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Book Review: Our Moon Has Blood Clots

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Rahul Pandita’s book Our Moon Has Blood Clots: The Exodus of Kashmiri Pandits narrates the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits from Kashmir valley. It is the account of an ethnic community that was forced to leave home and hearth behind and take refuge in an unknown land. The book describes the ethnic cleansing of Pandits from Kashmir at the behest of Islamic extremists/terrorists.

Our Moon Has Blood Clots

Our Moon Has Blood Clots is a memoir of Rahul Pandita who was fourteen years old when he had to leave his home in Srinagar along with his family. The book brings forth the untold story of Kashmiri Pandits who became refugees in their own country. The book begins with author’s initial days in Srinagar and life in Kashmir. Then it describes the changes in aura of the valley ─ India-West Indies international cricket match in 1983 where the crowd cheered for Pakistan and Indian players faced severe harassment; the chants of ‘Allah Hu Akbar’ on streets when Pakistan defeated India at Sharjah in the final of Austral-Asia Cup in 1986; the threats to Kashmiri Pandits via notices, pamphlets, mosque loudspeakers, street processions.
The changed scenario subsequently led to selective killing of Kashmiri Pandits, rapes of innocent Pandit women and resulted in the displacement of lakhs of Kashmiri Pandits from the valley. Rahul Pandita’s book also touches upon the 1947 tribal raid in Kashmir in the voice of his maternal uncle. The author’s maternal grandfather along with his family had to leave Baramulla due to the tribal raid.

The book debunks the lies regarding the exodus of Pandits. The most widespread untruth is that the exodus of Pandits was a ploy by Government of India through Jagmohan, then the Governor of Jammu & Kashmir, to defame the so-called freedom struggle (which is nothing but a struggle for an Islamic state). The author gives the horrendous account of murders of some Kashmiri Pandits by the militants in 1990s. The book also nails the lie that those Kashmiri Pandits who stayed back in the valley (and didn’t leave) were not harmed. In this regard, he met Vinod Dhar who is the lone survivor of 1998 Wandhama massacre in which 23 Kashmiri Pandits were brutally killed.

Rahul Pandita’s memoir makes the reader feel the pain and suffering which Kashmiri Pandits have been through. It evokes anger at the failure of the Indian state in protecting its own people. Pandita’s book tells of the betrayal by the majority community of Kashmir (i.e. Kashmiri Muslims) who were so enamoured with ‘azadi’ that they chose to support gun culture over the people (i.e. Kashmiri Pandits).

Though Rahul Pandita visited Kashmir regularly as a journalist, it was only in September 2007 that he managed a visit to his ‘home’ along with his two journalist friends and found that it was not the same anymore. It was a house built with the provident fund savings of his father and the bridal jewellery of his mother. The author feels helpless when he finds someone else living in his house and he has to seek permission to enter it.

The book tries to break the silence in the socio-political discourse over the ethnic cleansing and exodus of Kashmiri Pandits. In the discourse regarding Kashmir conflict, the high-handedness of Indian state and the alleged human rights abuses by Indian security forces are debated but not what happened to Kashmiri Pandits. As the author rightly says, it has become unfashionable to speak about the issue of Kashmiri Pandit refugees. Rahul Pandita’s book sets right the narrative in this context.

I had a lump in my throat while reading the book. There are heartbreaking passages in the book where I could not control my tears. Our Moon Has Blood Clots is not the story of Rahul Pandita alone but the story of every single Kashmiri Pandit who encountered terror in Kashmir. It is the story of the innocent people who were raped, killed and assaulted by terrorists leading to their tragic exodus. It is noteworthy that despite all odds, the Kashmiri Pandit community never espoused violent methods for their struggle for reclamation of their ancestral homeland.

Rahul Pandita describes the pain and agony of Kashmiri Pandits in a very lucid manner without mincing words. Pandita’s book is an extremely poignant account of Hindus of Kashmir who are still living in exile in their own country. The book is a must read for those who don’t know what happened to minority community of Kashmir valley and also for those who continue to be in denial about the exodus of Kashmiri Pandits.

(Originally published in Niti Central and The Pioneer)

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Written by Varad Sharma

February 24, 2013 at 10:00 pm

Yet another 19th January

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“Bol Ki Lab Azad Hain Tere, Bol Zubaan Ab Tak Teri Hai” ─ Faiz Ahmed Faiz

The Government of India has failed Kashmiri Pandits (who are the aborigines of Kashmir valley) as they are still living as refugees in their own country. On January 19, Kashmiri Pandits entered their 24th year in exile. Kashmiri Pandit refugees commemorate January 19 as holocaust/exodus day every year.

Twenty-three years ago, Kashmiri Pandits fled the valley leaving behind their homes and homeland so as to save themselves from persecution at the behest of Islamic extremists/terrorists. Around four to five lakh Kashmiri Pandits were displaced due to militancy in Kashmir valley. After the partition of India, it was the biggest ever displacement of people.

Terrorism in Kashmir valley started with the ethnic cleansing and genocide of Kashmiri Pandits in 1989-1990. Ethnic cleansing refers to an attempt to create ethnically homogeneous geographic areas through the expulsion or forcible displacement of persons belonging to particular ethnic groups. United Nations defines ethnic cleansing as rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to remove from a given area, persons of another ethnic or religious group.

The so-called freedom movement (Azaadi) in Kashmir was joined by many Kashmiri Muslims (and not all). They opted for guns for the so-called Azaadi which never was attained. The main purpose of terrorism in Kashmir was to create a valley homogenous in its religious (read Islamic) character. The minority Kashmiri Pandits were forced to leave the valley to create such homogeneity. If the majority community of the valley had not supported the insurgency, there probably wouldn’t have been any exodus of the minority community.

Ethnic cleansing sometimes involves the elimination of all physical vestiges of the targeted group through the obliteration of monuments, cemeteries, and houses of worship. Death or displacement may also be involved in ethnic cleansing where a population is identified for removal from an area or a region. With the rise of insurgency and Islamic extremism in Kashmir, houses of minority Hindus were burned and temples were destroyed. Also, notices were pasted on the walls of Kashmiri Pandit houses telling them to leave the Kashmir valley or to die.

Genocide may possibly be used as means to carry out ethnic cleansing. Genocide is defined as the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.

Article 2 of the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG) defines genocide as any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:

  1. Killing members of the group;
  2. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
  3. Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life, calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
  4. Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
  5. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

On June 11, 1999, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), in a ruling stated that “Against the stern definition of the Genocide Convention, the Commission is constrained to observe that while acts akin to genocide have occurred with respect to Kashmiri Pandits and that, indeed, in the minds and utterances of some of the militants a genocide-type design may exist, the crimes against the Kashmiri Pandits are near-Genocide and not Genocide.”

The United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan at the 60th Session of the Commission on Human Rights in Geneva on April 7, 2004 said, “Wherever civilians are deliberately targeted because they belong to a particular community, we are in the presence of potential, if not actual, genocide.”

What happened in 1990s in Kashmir was ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits marked with genocide. Kashmiri Hindus were killed by terrorists in 1989 and afterwards until they left the valley. Prominent Kashmiri Pandits who were killed are Pandit Tika Lal Taploo, Justice Neel Kanth Ganjoo, poet Sarwanand Koul ‘Premi’ and his son, advocate Prem Nath Bhat, Lassa Koul (Director, Doordarshan Kendra – Srinagar).

Though the official figure of Kashmiri Pandit killings is 219, Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti (KPSS), a valley-based organisation, suggests that 399 Pandits were killed and the list of Pandit killings is still incomplete. A survey was done in 2008 and 2009 to find the precise number of Pandits killed. The survey revealed that 302 members of the community were killed in 1990 alone. Such selective killing of minority Hindus of Kashmir amounts to genocide.

Kashmiri Pandits were seen as obstacle in the path of the so-called Azaadi from India. The valley was cleansed of Pandits because they had a tilak on their forehead. It is ironic that there has not been a single judicial enquiry about the exodus and killings of Kashmiri Pandits. The killers aren’t prosecuted, rather they roam freely in Kashmir and have many supporters in the valley.

The State/Central Government has not taken substantial measures till date for the return of Kashmiri Pandits back to the valley. If they had taken any, the return would have happened. How long will the Government of India take to wake from its deep slumber to address the issues concerning Kashmiri Pandit refugees? It has been 23 years and there are still no answers — answers about the exodus, the killings, the human rights violations, the justice and the return (back to Kashmir valley on their own terms). The exile continues. The scars remain.

(Originally published in Niti Central)

Hum Kya Chahte ─ Azadi

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Hum Kya Chahte, Azadi. You must have heard this slogan if you’ve been tracking the ‘happenings’ in Kashmir. This slogan is often chanted during the so-called protests against the Indian state. Even after two decades of insurgency and conflict, the Azadi slogan not only dominates the sloganeering during the protests, but seems to be the favourite of those involved in the separatist movement. Chanted as if it is a holy verse.

Azadi is an Urdu word for ‘freedom’. In the context of the Kashmir conflict, the general understanding of the term Azadi is that of ‘independence’. In other words, it underlines the demand for the secession of Jammu & Kashmir State from India.

But a closer look at Azadi would furnish different details altogether. Recently, a survey was conducted by The Institute for Research on India and International Studies (IRIIS) which revealed diverse definitions of Azadi. The Jammu and Kashmir division of the Ministry of Home Affairs had commissioned The IRIIS to carry out ‘A Perception Survey of Media Impact on the Kashmiri Youth’ in June 2010. The survey was finally administered in January 2011 in six districts of the Kashmir Valley ─ Srinagar and Budgam in Central Kashmir; Anantnag and Kulgam in South Kashmir; Baramulla and Bandipora in North Kashmir.

As per the IRIIS findings, 54% of youth identified Azadi as the preferred final status of Jammu and Kashmir. That implies 46% don’t believe in Azadi. It is worthy to note that the definition of Azadi varies among even these 54%. For 56% of these 54% youth, Azadi signified the rights of Kashmiris’ ─ political rights, civil rights and economic rights. Those whose idea of Azadi is based on a ‘territorially separate Kashmir’ include 8% who see a sovereign and independent state of Jammu & Kashmir, 11% who want ‘freedom from India’ and 10% who said Azadi means a separate Kashmir without giving any further details.

Also, 67% of Kashmiri youth under the age group of 15-35 years, rank ‘corruption’ among the three top most problems, 48% put ‘human rights violation’ (by security forces) at the top, and 34% gave top priority to ‘employment’ and 28% to ‘education’.

A few surveys conducted in the past have also presented diverse results. In 2009, Chatham House, a London-based international affairs think-tank, conducted an opinion poll on both sides of the Line of Control which separates the state of Jammu and Kashmir. In its findings, only 2% of people in J&K favoured the integration of Kashmir in its entirety with Pakistan. Also, 43% in J&K voted for the ‘independence’ of the Kashmir in its entirety, implying 57% were not in favour of ‘independence’. It is important to note that 87% of people in J&K considered unemployment as the most significant problem followed by 68% for corruption, 45% for poor economic development, and 43% for human rights abuses. By the way, this is in spite of the Chatham House opinion poll being commissioned by Dr Saif al Islam al Qadhafi, son of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi who advocated ‘independence’ for Kashmir.

In 2002, another survey by MORI, an independent market research company based in UK, revealed in its findings that on the issue of citizenship, overall, 61% said they felt they would be better off politically and economically as an Indian citizen and only 6% as a Pakistani citizen, but 33% said they did not know. Again, economic development of the region (job opportunities and reduction of poverty) was proposed by 93% of respondents.

Azadi in the Jammu and Kashmir context has been reduced to just a rhetoric. Those who beat the drum of Azadi do so because of their own interests. The Hurriyat Conference, which is an amalgam of several secessionist organizations, is on the forefront of championing the so-called Kashmir cause of Azadi. It is also commonly felt that the separatists get political and economic support for this ‘cause’ from their sympathisers across border and in other foreign countries.

Time and again, there have been reports about the funding of militancy and Azadi protests through the Hawala network in J&K state. So it becomes quite natural for these separatists to beat the Azadi drum. Recently, Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) chief Yasin Malik was charged by a local Jammu court under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA) for allegedly raising funds to strengthen militancy in the state. Yasin Malik was charged with allegedly deputing two people to collect $100,000 from Kathmandu in 2002. The money was recovered from them after they were arrested later that year.

The reason for quoting these surveys is that they each contradict the claims of the champions of separatism who portray that Azadi is the demand of every Kashmiri. It is certainly not the case. These separatist elements want to impose the Azadi narrative owing to obvious reasons. One can infer from the surveys that economic development including unemployment and reduction in poverty tops the issues faced by the people of state. The Economic Survey of 2011-2012 has revealed that 21.63% population of J&K is falling under the BPL category which includes 26.14% rural population and 7.96% urban. A total of 24.21 lakh people are living under the BPL category which includes 22 lakh people in rural areas. Besides, around 6 lakh unemployed youth are registered with J&K state’s employment department. It is necessary to pay attention to the problems which have been time and again cited by the people such as corruption and unemployment. Delivering justice to the people affected by the conflict is equally important.

Moreover, few realise that Kashmir comprises only 15% of the area of Jammu and Kashmir State (Indian control) and a mere 7% of undivided Jammu and Kashmir. It is amusing and irrational to witness people talking about the secession of Kashmir despite not an iota of feasibility. J&K state needs political, social & economic empowerment. Kashmir needs freedom from separatist and fanatic elements. It is high time we bury the myth of Azadi.

(Originally published in Newslaundry)

Written by Varad Sharma

March 24, 2012 at 9:00 pm